te reo Māori loanword phonology - presented by Craig Stansfield

te reo Māori loanword phonology

Craig Stansfield

Craig Stansfield
Linguistics and Applied Language Studies seminar series Friday 15 March 2024 Te reo Mãori Lehnwörter: strategies for conforming English consonant clusters to Mãori syllable structure Craig Stansfield (tangata Tiriti) 1897 VICTORIA UNIVERSITY OF CAPITAL THINKING. GLOBALLY MINDED. WELLINGTON MALITEIHO KI TE PAE TE HERENGA WAKA
00:00
Firstly: some definitions. Fremdwort (pl. Fremdwörter): a loanword that is not adapted, or is only minimally adapted, phonologically with respect to its source language form. Lehnwort (pl. Lehnwörter): a loanword that is substantially adapted phonologically to conform to the phonemic inventory and phonotactics of the recipient language.
02:06
Fremdwörter & Lehnwörter garage French /ga.ka3/ NZE Fremdwort /ge'103/ NZE Lehnwort /'ge.19d3/
03:05
Some more definitions Epenthesis: addition of a speech sound or sounds to a word. e.g.: something /'semp.09n/ Anaptyxis: addition of a vowel or vowels to a word. e.g.: athlete/'s0.e.li.t/
04:17
1. English and Mãori syllable structures 2. research questions 3. source: the Williams appendix 4. results: consonant cluster strategies 5. results: anaptyxis (vowel insertion)
1. English and Mãori syllable structures 2. research questions 3. source: the Williams appendix 4. results: consonant cluster strategies 5. results: anaptyxis (vowel insertion)
05:21 - 05:34
te reo Mãori vowels close i i: u ux E E. open a a:
05:40
English and Mãori syllable structures English: (C)(C)(C)V(V)(C)(C)(C)(C)(C)
English and Mãori syllable structures English: (C)(C)(C)V(V)(C)(C)(C)(C)(C) > (C)3V(V)(C)5
English and Mãori syllable structures English: (C)(C)(C)V(V)(C)(C)(C)(C)(C) > (C)3V(V)(C)5 strengths /stuenkOs/
English and Mãori syllable structures English: (C)(C)(C)V(V)(C)(C)(C)(C)(C) > (C)3V(V)(C)5 strengths /stuenkOs/ onset nucleus coda
English and Mãori syllable structures English: (C)(C)(C)V(V)(C)(C)(C)(C)(C) > (C)3V(V)(C)5 open or closed syllables (codas optional) strengths /stuenkOs/ onset nucleus coda
English and Mãori syllable structures English: (C)(C)(C)V(V)(C)(C)(C)(C)(C) > (C)3V(V)(C)5 open or closed syllables (codas optional) strengths /stuenkOs/ te reo Mãori: (C)V(V) open syllables only (codas prohibited) kai /kai/ onset nucleus coda
06:13 - 07:59
1. English and Mãori syllable structures 2. research questions 3. source: the Williams appendix 4. results: consonant cluster strategies 5. results: anaptyxis (vowel insertion)
08:24
Research questions How are source word consonant clusters made to conform to the required (C)V(V) syllable structure of te reo?
Research questions How are source word consonant clusters made to conform to the required (C)V(V) syllable structure of te reo? 1. If one or more consonants are deleted, which one(s) are they?
Research questions How are source word consonant clusters made to conform to the required (C)V(V) syllable structure of te reo? 1. If one or more consonants are deleted, which one(s) are they? 2. If a vowel is inserted, how is it determined?
Research questions How are source word consonant clusters made to conform to the required (C)V(V) syllable structure of te reo? 1. If one or more consonants are deleted, which one(s) are they? 2. If a vowel is inserted, how is it determined? 3. What are the likely phonetic and/or other motivations for all of these choices?
08:26 - 09:07
1. English and Mãori syllable structures 2. research questions 3. source: the Williams appendix 4. results: consonant cluster strategies 5. results: anaptyxis (vowel insertion)
09:13
A DICTIONARY OF THE MAORI LANGUAGE First edition, W. Williams, B.A., Paibia, 1844 Second edition, W. Williams, D.C.L., London, 1852 HERBERT W. WILLIAMS, M.A. Third edition, W.L. Williams, B.A., London, 1871 Fourth edition, W.L. Williams, B.A., Auckland, 1892 Seventh edition, revised and augmented by A portion reprinted, Wellington, 1915 the Advisory Committee on the Teaching of the Maori Language, Fifth edition, H. W. Williams, M.A., Wellington, 1917 Department of Education. Reprinted, Wellington, 1921 Reprinted, Wellington, 1932 Sixth edition, Wellington, 1957 Seventh edition, Wellington, 1971 1975 Reprinted, Wellington, 1975 A.R.SHEARER, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, WELLINGTON NEW ZEALAND Williams, Herbert William (with Kelly, G.P., & McEwen, J. M.). (1971). A Dictionary of the Maori Language (7th ed.). A.R. Shearer, Government Printer. (First edition edited by William Williams published 1844, fifth edition edited by Herbert William Williams published 1917).
09:17
Trt oe S261 08 8
09:54
1. English and Mãori syllable structures 2. research questions 3. source: the Williams appendix 4. results: consonant cluster strategies 5. results: anaptyxis (vowel insertion)
11:15
Principle of maximal faithfulness Moreover, we can posit a principle for the relationship between the forms: PHONETIC SIMILARITY. That is, we assume that a newly coined Fijian word should sound as much like the English model as possible, but still fit within the Fijian system. Schütz, Albert J. (2004). English loan words in Fijian. In Jan Tent & Paul Geraghty (Eds.), Borrowing: a Pacific perspective (pp. 253-294). Pacific Linguistics, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University. https://doi.org/10.15144/PL-548.253
11:29
What is maximal faithfulness? source language > recipient language phoneme 1 phoneme i phoneme 2 phoneme ii phoneme 3 phoneme iii phoneme 4 phoneme iv
What is maximal faithfulness? source language > recipient language phoneme 1 phoneme i phoneme 2 phoneme ii phoneme 3 phoneme iii phoneme 4 phoneme iv 1234 i iv
What is maximal faithfulness? source language > recipient language phoneme 1 > phoneme i phoneme 2 > phoneme ii phoneme 3 > phoneme iii phoneme 4 > phoneme iv 1234 i ii iii iv 1234 i iii iv
What is maximal faithfulness? source language > recipient language phoneme 1 phoneme i phoneme 2 > phoneme ii phoneme 3 > phoneme iii phoneme 4 > phoneme iv 1234 i ii iii iv 1234 > i iii iv 1234
12:25 - 13:11
What is maximal faithfulness? phoneme correspondence
What is maximal faithfulness? phoneme correspondence number of syllables stress pattern
What is maximal faithfulness? phoneme correspondence number of syllables stress pattern perambulator /ps'ism.bjo.laee.ts/ paramureta /pa'ra.mu.ra.ta/
What is maximal faithfulness? phoneme correspondence number of syllables stress pattern perambulator /ps'usm.bjo.laee.ts/ paramureta /pa'ra.mu.ra.ta/
What is maximal faithfulness? phoneme correspondence number of syllables stress pattern perambulator /ps'ism.bjo.laee.ts/ 5 syllables paramureta /pa'ra.mu.ra.ta/ 5 syllables
What is maximal faithfulness? phoneme correspondence number of syllables stress pattern perambulator /ps'ism.bja.laee.ts/ 5 syllables paramureta /pa'ra.mu.ra.ta/ 5 syllables *paramupiareta /.pa.ra.mu'pia.rs.ta/ 6 syllables
13:22 - 14:34
consonant cluster types 1. liquid-final onsets 2. semivowel-final onsets 3. lateral approximant-led codas 4. nasal-led codas 5. two voiceless plosive codas 6. SSP-ordered sibilant onsets 7. SSP-ordered sibilant codas 8. non-SSP-ordered sibilant onsets 9. non-SSP-ordered sibilant codas
consonant cluster types 1. liquid-final onsets onsets 2. semivowel-final onsets 3. lateral approximant-led codas codas 4. nasal-led codas 5. two voiceless plosive codas 6. SSP-ordered sibilant onsets 7. SSP-ordered sibilant codas sibilants 8. non-SSP-ordered sibilant onsets 9. non-SSP-ordered sibilant codas
15:17 - 15:40
liquid-final onsets English Mãori Mãori pV.r 100% pV.r 100% kV.r 100% pV.r 100% kV.r 100% kV.r 100% pV.r 100% tV.r 100% tV.r 100% pV.r tV.r pV.r tV.r kV.r tV.r +plosive ]V.r -voice
liquid-final onsets English Mãori Mãori pV.r 100% pV.r 100% Strong preference for kV.r 100% phoneme retention pV.r 100% using anaptyxis kV.r 100% Kang (2015, 15) kV.r 100% Kang, Yoonjung. (2011). Loanword Phonology. In Marc van pV.r 100% Oostendrop, Colin J. Ewen, Elizabeth Hume & Keren Rice (Eds.), The Blackwell Companion to Phonology: Phonological Interface tV.r 100% (pp. 1-25). John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. https://doi.org/10.1002/9781444335262.wbctp0095 tV.r 100% pV.r tV.r pV.r tV.r kV.r tV.r +plosive ]V.r -voice
15:55 - 16:16
semivowel-final onsets English Mãori Mãori Mãori 100% 100% 100% null 100% 100% semivowel > V [+occlusive] null
semivowel-final onsets English Mãori Mãori Mãori 100% 100% 100% null 100% 100% semivowel > V [+occlusive] null Moderate preference for phoneme retention through semivowels becoming syllabic
16:39 - 17:14
lateral approximant-led codas English Mãori Mãori Mãori rV.kV 100% rV.CV 100% 100% rV.[+obstruent]V [+obstruent]V
lateral approximant-led codas English Mãori Mãori Mãori rV.kV 100% rV.CV 100% 100% rV.[+obstruent]V [+obstruent]V Moderate preference for phoneme retention using anaptyxis
17:21 - 17:39
nasal-led codas English Mãori Mãori Mãori nV.hV 100% nV.hV 100% nV.hV nV.hV nV.kV nV.tV 100% 100% 100% null 100% [+nasal]V [+plosive]V [+occlusive]V or null
nasal-led codas Moderate preference for cluster reduction, English Mãori Mãori usually via deletion nV.hV 100% of the obstruent nV.hV 100% nV.hV nV.hV nV.kV nV.tV 100% 100% 100% null 100% [+nasal]V. [+plosive]V [+occlusive]V or null
17:49 - 18:09
two voiceless plosive codas English Mãori 100% 100% [+plosive]1V 100%
two voiceless plosive codas English Mãori 100% 100% [+plosive]1 V 100% Cluster reduction via deletion of the second plosive
18:24 - 18:32
sonority sequencing principle (SSP)
sonority sequencing principle (SSP) most sonorous > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > least sonorous
sonority sequencing principle (SSP) most sonorous > vowels > semivowels > liquids > nasals > voiced fricatives > voiceless fricatives > least sonorous
sonority sequencing principle (SSP) most sonorous > vowels > semivowels > liquids > nasals > voiced fricatives > voiceless fricatives > least sonorous > voiced affricates > voiceless affricates > voiced plosives > voiceless plosives
sonority sequencing principle (SSP) most sonorous > vowels > semivowels > liquids > nasals > voiced fricatives > voiceless fricatives least sonorous > voiced affricates > voiceless affricates > voiced plosives > voiceless plosives
sonority sequencing principle (SSP) most sonorous > vowels > semivowels > liquids > nasals > voiced fricatives > voiceless fricatives > least sonorous > voiced affricates > voiceless affricates > voiced plosives > voiceless plosives SSP compliance:
sonority sequencing principle (SSP) most sonorous > vowels > semivowels > liquids > nasals > voiced fricatives > voiceless fricatives > least sonorous > voiced affricates > voiceless affricates > voiced plosives > voiceless plosives SSP compliance: Indo-European
sonority sequencing principle (SSP) most sonorous > vowels > semivowels > liquids > nasals > voiced fricatives > voiceless fricatives > least sonorous > voiced affricates > voiceless affricates > voiced plosives > voiceless plosives SSP compliance: Indo-European English
sonority sequencing principle (SSP) most sonorous > vowels > semivowels > liquids > nasals > voiced fricatives > voiceless fricatives > least sonorous > voiced affricates > voiceless affricates > voiced plosives > voiceless plosives SSP compliance: Indo-European English priest /pji:st/
sonority sequencing principle (SSP) most sonorous > vowels > semivowels > liquids > nasals > voiced fricatives > voiceless fricatives > least sonorous > voiced affricates > voiceless affricates > voiced plosives > voiceless plosives SSP compliance: Indo-European English priest /p.i.:st/ except sibilant/plosive clusters: Indo-European English
sonority sequencing principle (SSP) most sonorous > vowels > semivowels > liquids > nasals > voiced fricatives > voiceless fricatives > least sonorous > voiced affricates > voiceless affricates > voiced plosives > voiceless plosives SSP compliance: Indo-European English priest /p.ii:st/ except sibilant/plosive clusters: Indo-European English street /st.ii:t/
sonority sequencing principle (SSP) most sonorous > vowels > semivowels > liquids > nasals > voiced fricatives > voiceless fricatives least sonorous > voiced affricates > voiceless affricates > voiced plosives > voiceless plosives SSP compliance: Indo-European English priest /pji:st/ except sibilant/plosive clusters: Indo-European English street /stui:t/ /teks/
18:39 - 21:45
SSP-ordered sibilant onsets English Mãori Mãori tV.r 100% 100% 100% tV.C [+nasal]
SSP-ordered sibilant onsets English Mãori Mãori tV.r 100% 100% 100% tV.C [+nasal] Moderate preference for cluster reduction via deletion of the sibilant Kang (2015, 15)
22:04 - 22:24
SSP-ordered sibilant codas English Mãori Mãori Mãori nV.hV 100% nV.hV 100% nV.hV nV.hV hV.tV 100% 100% 100% CV.CV [+occlusive]V
SSP-ordered sibilant codas English Mãori Mãori Mãori nV.hV 100% nV.hV 100% nV.hV nV.hV hV.tV 100% 100% 100% CV.CV [+occlusive]V Moderate preference for cluster reduction via deletion of the sibilant Kang (2015, 15)
22:27 - 22:28
non-SSP-ordered sibilant onsets English Mãori Mãori tV.r hV.k hV.t 100% 100% [+obstruent]V.C [-fricative] Strong preference for cluster reduction via deletion of the sibilant Kang (2015, 15)
22:39
sonority sequencing principle influence cluster reduction anaptyxis keep lose sibilant sibilant ordering non-SSP total
22:55
a hierarchy of preference for retention: liquid > occlusive > semivowel & fricative
23:31
Conclusions:
Conclusions: Consonant clusters are dealt with in a variety of ways: liquid-final onsets and lateral-approximant-led codas have a preference for anaptyxis (vowel insertion); semivowel-final onsets have a preference to convert the semivowel to a vowel; these three types of consonant cluster represent 57% of the data (110 of 194 tokens); the other six types of consonant cluster more often involve cluster reduction.
Conclusions: Consonant clusters are dealt with in a variety of ways: liquid-final onsets and lateral-approximant-led codas have a preference for anaptyxis (vowel insertion); semivowel-final onsets have a preference to convert the semivowel to a vowel; these three types of consonant cluster represent 57% of the data (110 of 194 tokens); the other six types of consonant cluster more often involve cluster reduction. The sonority sequencing principle (SSP) affects how likely sibilant clusters are to delete the sibilant (81% non-SSP versus 50% SSP).
Conclusions: Consonant clusters are dealt with in a variety of ways: liquid-final onsets and lateral-approximant-led codas have a preference for anaptyxis (vowel insertion); semivowel-final onsets have a preference to convert the semivowel to a vowel; these three types of consonant cluster represent 57% of the data (110 of 194 tokens); the other six types of consonant cluster more often involve cluster reduction. The sonority sequencing principle (SSP) affects how likely sibilant clusters are to delete the sibilant (81% non-SSP versus 50% SSP). When cluster reduction is involved, there is a clear retention hierarchy of liquid > occlusive > semivowel & fricative.
24:04 - 24:43
1. English and Mãori syllable structures 2. research questions 3. source: the Williams appendix 4. results: consonant cluster strategies 5. results: anaptyxis (vowel insertion)
24:53
team /ti:m/ > /'ti:.ma/ tima "Mrena tima!"
25:08
team /ti:m/ > tima a = 34
team /ti:m/ > tima t km ? | J | t k:& moa 34
25:38 - 25:49
36 team /ti:m/ > /'ti:.ma/ tima dness [+round]
team /tim/>/ti:.ma/ tima height length [+long] backness [+back] roundedness [tround] open [+open -close] length [-long] backness [-back] rounded[[round]
26:00 - 26:19
1. random vowel 2. default vowel 3. copy vowel 4. feature spreading
1. random vowel 2. default vowel copy vowel 4. feature spreading
26:58 - 27:10
1: random vowel Anaptyxis roulette!
27:13
team /ti:m/ > /'ti:.ma/ tima random vowel = a i m a
27:33
1. random vowel 2. default vowel copy vowel feature spreading Not supported by the literature Unfalsifiable
27:35
1. random vowel 2. default vowel 3. copy vowel 4. feature spreading
28:01
team /ti:m/ > tima t I: m | default vowel = a lt J | t 43
28:04
2: default vowel total in te reo in general (Harlow, 2007, 68) Harlow, Ray. (2007). Mãori: A Linguistic Introduction. Cambridge University Press.
2: default vowel total in te reo in general (Harlow, 2007, 68) in Williams appendix 100% consonant clusters Harlow, Ray. (2007). Mãori: A Linguistic Introduction. Cambridge University Press.
28:31 - 28:53
the Matthew effect For unto every one that hath shall be given, and he shall have abundance: but from him that hath not shall be taken away even that which he hath. Matthew 25:29 Merton, Robert K. (1968). The Matthew Effect in Science: The reward and communication systems of science are considered. Science, 159(3810), 56-63. https://garfield.library.upenn.edu/merton/matthewii.pdf
29:23
Harlow, Ray. (2007). Mãori: A Linguistic in te reo in general Introduction. Cambridge University Press. in Williams appendix
29:49
2: default vowel total in te reo in general (Harlow, 2007, 68) in Williams appendix 100% consonant clusters Harlow, Ray. (2007). Mãori: A Linguistic Introduction. Cambridge University Press.
30:32
1. random vowel 2. default vowel 3. copy vowel feature spreading
30:51
team /ti:m/ > /ti: mi:/ t i: om | | | t 49
30:53
3: copy vowels total in onsets (CCV) CC > CV.C copy non-copy in codas (VCC) first copy CC > CV.CV non-copy second copy CC > CV.CV non-copy reduced copy CC > CV non-copy total
3: copy vowels total in onsets (CCV) CC > CV.C copy non-copy in codas (VCC) first copy CC > CV.CV non-copy second copy CC > CV.CV non-copy reduced copy CC > CV non-copy total
31:17 - 31:27
1. andom vowel 2. default vowel 3. copy vowel 4. feature spreading
31:52
team /ti:m/ > timu t meu 1 | | t eu 53
31:56
4: consonant feature spreading total [+acute] +acute coronals & palatals + front vowels +grave [+grave] labials & velars + back vowels total Jakobson, Roman, & Halle, Morris. (1980). Fundamentals of Language (4th ed.). Mouton Publishers.
32:21
4: consonant feature spreading total total
33:49
1. random vowel 2. default vowel: 3. copy vowel: 4. feature spreading: 60%
34:07
multiple anaptyxis (vowel insertion) strategies Kitto & de Lacy (1999, 5-6) Mãori Kuki 'Airani Nuclear Polynesian Uffmann (2006, 1091-1093, 1108) Samoan Nuclear Polynesian Shona Atlantic-Congo Sranan Tongo English-based - creole Kitto, Catherine, & de Lacy, Paul. (1999). Correspondence and epenthetic quality. In Catherine Kitto & C. Smallwood (Eds.), Proceedings of Austronesian Formal Linguistics Association VI (in press). Holland Academic Graphics. Uffmann, Christian. (2006). Epenthetic vowel quality in loanwords: Empirical and formal issues. Lingua, 116, 1079-1111. https://doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2005.06.009
34:27
multiple anaptyxis (vowel insertion) strategies default vowel copy vowel feature spreading default vowel copy vowel feature spreading
multiple anaptyxis (vowel insertion) strategies default vowel copy vowel feature spreading default vowel copy vowel feature spreading
35:31 - 35:48
Conclusions: 60
Conclusions: 1. Anaptyxis (vowel insertion) in te reo Lehnwörter most often involves copy vowels.
Conclusions: 1. Anaptyxis (vowel insertion) in te reo Lehnwörter most often involves copy vowels. Anaptyxis (vowel insertion) in te reo Lehnwörter may also involve feature spreading from consonants.
Conclusions: 1. Anaptyxis (vowel insertion) in te reo Lehnwörter most often involves copy vowels. Anaptyxis (vowel insertion) in te reo Lehnwörter may also involve feature spreading from consonants. Some tokens (13 of 168, i.e., 8%) are nevertheless not explained even by the use of both anaptytic strategies.
36:18 - 36:36
Research questions How are source word consonant clusters made to conform to the required (C)V(V) syllable structure of te reo? 1. If one or more consonants are deleted, which one(s) are they? 2. If a vowel is inserted, how is it determined? 3. What are the likely phonetic and/or other motivations for all of these choices? Takeaway: There are clear patterns in how te reo Mãori addresses the problem of source language consonant clusters, but these are preferences, not absolute rules.
36:58
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Linguistics and Applied Language Studies (Victoria University of Wellington)
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C. Stansfield (2024, March 15), te reo Māori loanword phonology
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doi.org/10.52843/cassyni.cqrymn
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